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Tēma: Notikumi UkraināZiedot Ukrainas armijas atbalstam var uz Ukrainas Nacionālās bankas speciāli izveidoto kontu
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SpOrcMeN  | |  Kopš: 14. May 2002
Ziņojumi: 34090
Braucu ar: banderautomobili
| tik maza laukuminja 2 bataljoni nevar salizt - fufelis pilnigakais [ Šo ziņu laboja SpOrcMeN, 26 Jul 2024, 22:09:02 ]
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ІБАШТЕ!!!!! ЗА УКРАЇНУ!!!!!!!
Нехай подохне суче плем’я!!!!
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Lafter  | |  Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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26 Jul 2024, 22:08:14 @SpOrcMeN rakstīja:
tik maza laukuminja 2 bataljoni nevar salizt - fufelis pilnigakais
Nav nemaz tik maziņš
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| Kvarks | | Kopš: 31. Aug 2020
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| Neaiztāvu nevienu, bet par cik esmu arestovičam sekojis 3 gadus, tad zinu vairāk. Kad viņš bija oficiāla amatpersona, tad viņš drīkstēja tikai teikt oficiālo viedokli. Par izbraukšanu no valsts - saistīts ar specdienestiem. Par prognozēm - kur ir visu ukraiņu patriotu optimiskie stāstiņi. Šobrīd piepildās Arestoviča stāstītais kopš septembra, kad bija redzams ka ukraiņu pretuzbrukums izgāzies. | | Offline | | |
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| Nebija nekāda pretuzbrukuma. Bija tikai mēģinājums tādu uzsākt. | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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| A Mysterious Plot Prompts a Rare Call From Russia to the Pentagon Russia’s defense minister said he needed to talk to Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin about an alleged Ukrainian operation. What happened next remains murky.
Earlier this month, Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III received an unusual request from an unlikely caller: His Russian counterpart wanted to talk.
Since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Mr. Austin had spoken by phone with Russia’s defense minister only five other times, almost always at the Pentagon’s initiative and often in an effort to avoid miscalculations that could escalate the conflict.
In fact, Mr. Austin had reached out to Russia’s new defense minister, Andrei Belousov, just a couple of weeks earlier, on June 25, in an effort to keep the “lines of communication open,” the Pentagon said. It was the first phone call between the two men since Mr. Belousov, an economist, replaced Sergei K. Shoigu, Russia’s long-running defense minister, in a Kremlin shake-up in May.
Now on July 12, Mr. Belousov was calling to relay a warning, according to two U.S. officials and another official briefed on the call: The Russians had detected a Ukrainian covert operation in the works against Russia that they believed had the Americans’ blessing. Was the Pentagon aware of the plot, Mr. Belousov asked Mr. Austin, and its potential to ratchet up tensions between Moscow and Washington? Pentagon officials were surprised by the allegation and unaware of any such plot, the two U.S. officials said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the confidential phone call. But whatever Mr. Belousov revealed, all three officials said, it was taken seriously enough that the Americans contacted the Ukrainians and said, essentially, if you’re thinking about doing something like this, don’t.
Despite Ukraine’s deep dependence on the United States for military, intelligence and diplomatic support, Ukrainian officials are not always transparent with their American counterparts about their military operations, especially those against Russian targets behind enemy lines. These operations have frustrated U.S. officials, who believe that they have not measurably improved Ukraine’s position on the battlefield but have risked alienating European allies and widening the war.
Over the past two years, the operations that have unnerved the United States included a strike on a Russian air base on the western coast of Crimea, a truck bombing that destroyed part of the Kerch Strait Bridge, which links Russia to Crimea, and drone strikes deep inside Russia. President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia often refers to such strikes as “terrorist attacks,” and the Kremlin uses them as evidence to back up Mr. Putin’s spurious claim that his invasion of Ukraine is really a defensive war. Despite American denials, Russian officials insist publicly that such strikes could not happen without U.S. approval and support.
Whether the alleged Ukrainian plot this month was real and imminent is still unclear, as is what form it might have taken. Pentagon and White House officials say nothing has happened — yet. They have declined to describe the call in detail but stressed the need for dialogue among adversaries.
“During the call, the secretary emphasized the importance of maintaining lines of communication amid Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine,” Sabrina Singh, a Pentagon spokeswoman, told reporters hours after the conversation on July 12.
Pentagon officials declined to say if Mr. Austin brought up the matter in a phone call on Tuesday
A Russian Defense Ministry statement after the July 12 call confirmed that Mr. Belousov initiated it, adding that “the issue of preventing security threats and reducing the risk of possible escalation was discussed.” But the statement made no mention of a suspected Ukrainian covert mission.
Ukrainian officials declined to comment on the matter. The Kremlin also declined to comment for this article, and the Russian Defense Ministry did not respond to a request for comment.
The rare glimpse behind the scenes of a sensitive call between defense ministers illustrates how much more there often is to private conversations between American and Russian officials than what is revealed to the public. And how the United States and Russia try to manage escalation risks behind the scenes.
Mr. Austin and Mr. Belousov “exchanged views on the situation around Ukraine,” the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement about the same call. It added that Mr. Belousov “pointed to the danger of further escalation of the situation in connection with the continued supply of American weapons to the Armed Forces of Ukraine.” But two officials familiar with the call said Mr. Austin also warned his Russian counterpart not to threaten U.S. troops in Europe amid rising tensions in Ukraine.
About four days later, American defense officials raised the security alert level at military bases in Europe in response to vague threats from the Kremlin over Ukraine’s use of long-range weapons on Russian territory.
American officials said that no specific intelligence about possible Russian attacks on American bases had been collected. Any such attack by Russia, whether overt or covert, would be a significant escalation of its war in Ukraine.
Russia has stepped up acts of sabotage in Europe, hoping to disrupt the flow of matériel to Ukraine. So far, no American bases have been targeted in those attacks, but U.S. officials said raising the alert level would help ensure that service members were keeping watch. Then there were the calls on Oct. 21 and Oct. 23, 2022, between Mr. Austin and Mr. Shoigu — the first requested by the Americans, the second by the Russians.
The Pentagon’s summary of the second call stated, “Secretary Austin rejected any pretext for Russian escalation and reaffirmed the value of continued communication amid Russia’s unlawful and unjustified war against Ukraine.”
A week later, The New York Times reported that senior Russian military leaders had recently discussed when and how Moscow might use a tactical nuclear weapon in Ukraine, according to multiple senior American officials.
The new intelligence surfaced when Moscow was promoting the baseless notion that Ukraine was planning to use a so-called dirty bomb — a conventional explosive laced with radioactive material.
President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia was not a part of the conversations with his generals, which were held as Russia was intensifying nuclear rhetoric and suffering battlefield setbacks.
But the fact that senior Russian military leaders were even having the discussions alarmed the Biden administration because it showed how frustrated they were about their failures in Ukraine and suggested that Mr. Putin’s veiled threats to use nuclear weapons might not just be words.
While the risk of further escalation remained high, Biden administration officials and U.S. allies also said at the time that the phone calls between Western and Russian counterparts in late October helped ease some of the nuclear tensions.
“These calls are about avoiding worst-case outcomes in a relationship that could potentially go over the edge,” said Samuel Charap, a Russia analyst at the RAND Corporation.
Anton Troianovski contributed reporting from Berlin, and Marc Santora from Kyiv.
Eric Schmitt is a national security correspondent for The Times, focusing on U.S. military affairs and counterterrorism issues overseas, topics he has reported on for more than three decades. More about Eric Schmitt
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| Samsasi | |  Kopš: 01. Nov 2014
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| Es nez vatñiks vai dusošais aģents, nezinu par kaut kādu inside info, bet viņa analīze ir vērtīga...izskaidro lietas tā, lai pat debilais saprastu, kas par ko utt..... Un oedējā laikā var redzēt, ka daudz runā par UA armijas kasjakiem....kā arī par to, ka abas puses ir tupikā. | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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27 Jul 2024, 16:07:04 @Samsasi rakstīja:
Es nez vatñiks vai dusošais aģents, nezinu par kaut kādu inside info, bet viņa analīze ir vērtīga...izskaidro lietas tā, lai pat debilais saprastu, kas par ko utt..... Un oedējā laikā var redzēt, ka daudz runā par UA armijas kasjakiem....kā arī par to, ka abas puses ir tupikā.
Pāris vārdos būtību-
Arestovičš 2023- tūliņ aizpisīsim pretuzbrukumā. Melitopole, Takmaka pāris dienās.
Starikovs, Levijevs, Es - nebūs= vatenis 
2024- Arestovics- Tam uzbrukumam nebija variantu.
 vieds pareģis 
Lūdzu- baudiet super analīzi
Mega prognoze un analītika
Nedaudz atklāsmes
Eksperts šodien
2 gados 3x pārmest kažoku pilnīgi diametrēji pretējo iepriekš paustajam viedoklim. Pat nesarkstot un nejūtot ne mazāko neērtības sajūtu. 
Tā dirst var jebkurš, kuram ir saprāts un loģiskā domāšana. Kas viņam jāatzīst ir. Un vispàr jus fapojat uz čali kurš ir tagad favorīts solovjovam, visādiem vojenkoriem ieskaitot pašu šproti Kirilu. Viņu nelamā- bet citē ar sajūsminātiem tekstiem. Tas arī neliek aizdomāties? 
Un nekas nav tur lieks pierakstīts vai izrauts no konteksta. Viņa vārdi- krieviem žēl Ukraiņu…
Lūdzu fakti [ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 27 Jul 2024, 16:54:30 ]
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| Samsasi | | Kopš: 01. Nov 2014
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| Nu es nezin, cik grūti ir saprast, ka situācija vislaiku mainās? Tāpat kā prognozes.
Nu un tas feģas kanāla posts - kas tur ir? Manuprāt diezgan loģisks skaidrojums. Tāpat kā par kerčas tiltu un Kijevas dambi. Vai tā būs? Nu vajag uzfist gaisā Kerčas tiltu un tad mēs redzēsim. | | Offline | | |
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| Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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27 Jul 2024, 17:54:32 @Samsasi rakstīja:
Nu es nezin, cik grūti ir saprast, ka situācija vislaiku mainās? Tāpat kā prognozes.
Nu un tas feģas kanāla posts - kas tur ir? Manuprāt diezgan loģisks skaidrojums. Tāpat kā par kerčas tiltu un Kijevas dambi. Vai tā būs? Nu vajag uzfist gaisā Kerčas tiltu un tad mēs redzēsim.
Nu redzi- pats atzini, kad liela daļu tā saucamo ,,prognožu un analītikas,,, jebkuram ar iq augstāku kā gliemezîtim nesagādātu problèmas paredzēt. Tādas diršanas ir simtiem - ņem jebkuru viña video gadu/divus atpakaļ- viena un tā pati ateja. Es pat baigi neiedzilinājos meklēt.
Pārējais jau atkarīgs no paša. Ir personîgi pieņemama nodevēja diršana vai nav. Man personîgi nav un nekad nav bijusi. Jā! Nodevēja- es nebrīnos tas ir iemesls kāpēc viņš aizbēga, kā mīzals pēdèjais. Diezgan liela varbūtība tuvākajos gados- viñu izsludinās meklēšanā. Par nodevîbu. Redzēsim- bet man tāda nelaba aizdoma.
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| Samsasi | | Kopš: 01. Nov 2014
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| ai labi, pīsiņs nīgas 
https://x.com/MaxRTucker/status/1817121404585656812[ Šo ziņu laboja Samsasi, 27 Jul 2024, 18:25:12 ] | | Offline | | |
| Joachims | | Kopš: 08. Jul 2015
No: Ogre
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| Sirskis maina no 80.desantbrigādes komandieri. Komandieri, kurš ar minimāliem zaudējumiem karo pret orkiem, līdzīgi bija ar 24. un 14.mehbrigādēm. | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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29 Jul 2024, 14:32:34 @Joachims rakstīja:
Sirskis maina no 80.desantbrigādes komandieri. Komandieri, kurš ar minimāliem zaudējumiem karo pret orkiem, līdzīgi bija ar 24. un 14.mehbrigādēm.
Ne vienmēr tas ir slikti. Nu tā tizlā patiesība ir tāda, kad nu ir jau ,,sovoks,, iesakņojies Ukrainas armijā. Daudzi màcījušies kopā Maskavas kara skolās. Sēdējuši pie viena galda. Un tagad karo viens pret otru. (Ja nemaldos Rajevs kopà ar Sirski mācījās)Un tā sistēma ir līdzīgi iesīkstējusi, kā vatei. Tagad cenšas rotēt iekšà uz paaugstinājumiem jaunos virsniekus. Bet vecie protams to nevēlas. Nav zināms kur viņu aizrotēs. Varbūt uz paaugstinājumu un viņš turpinās komandēt. Jo tieši jaunais virsnieku, komandieru sastāvs ir tas, kuram ir liela loma tagad. Vecie soviki būtu sūdos iebraukuši. Tur tikai skandina par nato standartiem. Realitàtē ir tāpat, kā ar korupciju. Ar vārdiem berlīnē- realitātē, dirsā. [ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 29 Jul 2024, 15:47:07 ]
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| Samsasi | | Kopš: 01. Nov 2014
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| Hvz, tas laikam bij' datoristu jociņš, ka nafig nevajag aiztikt kautko, kas labi strādā...kara laikā, frontē, apzināti mainīt vadību imho nav labs lēmums. | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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29 Jul 2024, 16:29:35 @Samsasi rakstīja:
Hvz, tas laikam bij' datoristu jociņš, ka nafig nevajag aiztikt kautko, kas labi strādā...kara laikā, frontē, apzināti mainīt vadību imho nav labs lēmums.
Varbūt vadīs frontes virzienu. Un būs vēl labāk. Bet ticamākais… nebūs tā..
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| Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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| As F-16s Arrive, Ukraine Still Faces Steep Challenges in the Skies Ukraine wants to deploy its first F-16 jets this summer, hoping to counter Russia’s dominance in the air. But stepped-up Russian bombing attacks on air bases complicate the effort.
The surveillance drone appeared high above the Ukrainian air base without warning in early July. Minutes after it relayed targeting data back to a Russian base, a barrage of ballistic missiles struck the airfield, Ukrainian officials said, recounting the episode.
“That first hit was so powerful that even our windows were trembling,” said Valeria Minenko, 21, who lives near the air base in Myrhorod, central Ukraine, one of many targeted in relentless attacks by Russia in recent months.
“Now they’re hitting the air base with the rockets all the time,” Ms. Minenko said.
Russia has been saturating the skies over Ukraine with surveillance drones, exploiting gaps in air-defense systems, to launch increasingly sophisticated attacks on Ukrainian positions. Its dominance in the air along parts of the front has allowed it to bombard Ukrainian positions with hundreds of powerful guided bombs every day, helping its ground forces to make slow and costly gains.
Ukraine’s strategy was to counter Russia in the air war with the aid of long-coveted F-16 fighter jets from the West that it says it will deploy this summer.
But the assaults on Ukrainian air bases underscore Russia’s determination to limit the impact of the planes even before they enter the fight. They also highlight the challenges Ukraine faces as it prepares to deploy the sophisticated aircraft for the first time.
Ukraine is hoping the F-16s, which come with powerful electronic warfare systems and an array of other weapons, can be used in coordination with other Western weapons like Patriot air-defense systems to expand the area deemed too dangerous for Russian pilots to fly. They also hope the jets will add another layer of protection for Ukrainian cities and critical infrastructure from relentless missile and drone attacks. But a shortage of trained pilots and a limited number of jets will constrain the immediate impact, experts say. “Russia has had so much time to fortify its defenses, especially along the frontline areas,” said Hunter Stoll, a defense analyst at RAND, a research organization. “The F-16s and their pilots will face stiff resistance from Russian air defenses, both on the ground and in the sky.”
Ukraine says it is “in the process” of moving the first F-16s into the country, about two and a half years after it first pleaded for the aircraft. It has been a year since the Biden administration finally reversed policy and allowed Western allies to transfer American fighter jets to Ukraine.
“Today, we can already say clearly, we have entered the club of countries that have F-16s,” Yuri Ihnat, a representative for the Ukrainian Air Force, said in an interview. “This is a turning point for our nation.”
The arrival of the planes — the exact number has not been publicly revealed — comes at a moment of deep uncertainty in the war. Russian forces are engaged in furious assaults all along the 600-mile front, the Ukrainian energy grid is crippled by years of unrelenting bombardment and a presidential election in the United States could reshape future military assistance.
In addition to the Russian attacks on the Ukrainian airfields, Ukraine will also be constrained by the small number of trained pilots, according to Ukrainian and U.S. military officials. About 20 airmen in the various U.S., Dutch and Danish training pipelines are expected to be ready this year, according to U.S. officials. Air commanders say they typically allot at least two pilots per aircraft — for crew rest, training and other matters. So that would allow Ukraine to fly only about 10 F-16s, at most, on combat missions this year.
Another major limiting factor, these officials say, is the number of trained maintenance and support personnel on the ground to keep the F-16s flying.
“It’s not just the pilots you have to have,” Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr., the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and a longtime F-16 pilot, said last month. “Maintenance is also a key part of that, and training the maintainers.”
Gen. Serhii Holubtsov, chief of aviation of Ukraine’s air force, said Ukrainians “do not wear rose-colored glasses” and understand that the F-16 is “not a panacea.”
The strategy, he told Donbas Realiy, a branch of Radio Liberty, can be thought of in three phases — “crawl, walk, run” — and it will take time.
“We haven’t learned to crawl yet,” he said.
Before the jets can start to play a role in shaping the battlefield, Ukraine needs to be sure they can be protected. While Russia has been attacking Ukrainian airfields since the first hours of the war, the early July attack on Myrhorod was different, Ukrainian officials said. The enemy came up with a new tactic,” Mr. Ihnat said.
Specifically, he said, the Russians are improving missiles and reconnaissance drones, “making it so that we cannot influence them with electronic warfare.”
They are also preprogramming surveillance drones to fly deep into Ukraine without emitting telltale electronic signatures, making them harder to detect.
Gen. Oleksandr Syrsky, Ukraine’s top military commander, said this past week that Ukraine urgently needed to find new methods of destroying enemy drones Mr. Ihnat said that the Ukrainian air force had effectively adopted deception tactics — like building model planes to act as decoys, camouflaging aircraft and moving them — to protect its depleted fleet of Soviet-era aircraft, and would do the same for the F-16s.
“If someone wants to laugh at this, let them,” he said. “Thanks to the models, the enemy has already lost dozens or even hundreds of their missiles.”
Ukraine is also employing 1970s-vintage Yakovlev Yak-52 training planes to hunt Russian surveillance drones, he said.
The propeller-driven aircraft have been hunting Russian surveillance drones across southern Ukraine, with both Ukrainian and Russian forces posting videos of the aerial clashes.
General Holubtsov said he expected attacks on the airfields to increase. For that reason, he said, Ukraine will not keep all the promised F-16s in the country.
“There are a certain number of aircraft that will be stored at secure air bases, outside of Ukraine, so that they are not targeted here,” he said. “And this will be our reserve in case of need for replacement of faulty planes during routine maintenance.”
President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia has said that the storage abroad of planes or other Ukrainian military assets could “pose a serious danger of NATO being drawn further into the conflict.”
The Biden administration’s approach to arming Ukraine has been driven in large part by concerns about potential escalation with Moscow, which is why it resisted allowing the transfer of F-16s from allies for so long. Retired Lt. Gen. David A. Deptula, the dean of the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies in Washington, said the delay “has given Russia the gift of time.”
“We gave them time to dig in and establish defenses that are now much more difficult to unravel,” he said.
American, Dutch and Danish officials have been working with Ukrainian counterparts to hammer out the details of synchronizing the arrival of the promised aircraft, equipping them with air-to-air and air-to-ground munitions, and thinking through the most efficient and effective use of the initial group of planes, the U.S. and Ukrainian officials said.
After spending some time getting used to the aircraft, General Holubtsov said, the F-16s can be used in the effort to push back the Russian attack planes that have been bombing Ukraine.
General Holubtsov said that F-16s alone would not be enough to drive back the Russian warplanes. They will work in concert with ground-based air defenses like the Patriots, coordinating efforts with a powerful Western information exchange network called Link 16.
The process will take time, he said, and there are a host of factors that could complicate the effort, including Ukraine’s shortage of air-defense systems, which it needs desperately to protect civilian as well as military assets.
But if the Russian planes can be driven further back from the front, the general said, “it can be considered a turning point and a victory — if not superiority, then parity in the air space.”
Dzvinka Pinchuk contributed reporting. Nataliia Novosolova contributed research.
Marc Santora has been reporting from Ukraine since the beginning of the war with Russia. He was previously based in London as an international news editor focused on breaking news events and earlier the bureau chief for East and Central Europe, based in Warsaw. He has also reported extensively from Iraq and Africa. More about Marc Santora
Eric Schmitt is a national security correspondent for The Times, focusing on U.S. military affairs and counterterrorism issues overseas, topics he has reported on for more than three decades. More about Eric Schmitt
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| Joachims | | Kopš: 08. Jul 2015
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| Rajevs (1987) ar Sirski (1986) pabeidza to pašu МВОКУ, jeb t.s. Kremļa kursantu skolu. Rajeva kursa biedrs bija Lugovojs - viens no diviem Ļitviņenko indētājiem. | | Offline | | |
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| Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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Bulsae-4
North Korean Bulsae-4 Missile System Reportedly Spotted in Ukraine for First Time.
As the war in Ukraine continues, Ukrainian forces have reported the first appearance of the North Korean long-range anti-tank missile system, Bulsae-4 M-2018 NLOS ATGM, in the Kharkiv region, as reported by the Telegram channel @KUPua01. This system, classified as a Non-Line-of-Sight (NLOS) missile, allows targeting without a direct line of sight. The Bulsae-4 M-2018 NLOS ATGM (Non-Line-of-Sight Anti-Tank Guided Missile) from North Korea is a fiber-optic guided missile system capable of engaging rotary and armored targets at extended ranges of 15 to 25 km. Production and acquisition of this missile began around 2018, although exact details remain unclear due to the secretive nature of North Korea's military program. The Bulsae-4 was publicly revealed by North Korean state television in June 2016, showing an anti-tank missile launched from a Mi-2 helicopter, confirming its entry into service in the following years. The exact number of Bulsae-4 systems in service is unknown but is presumed to be substantial to bolster North Korea's military capability. The Bulsae-4 M-2018 is distinguished by its ability to transmit real-time video data to the operator, allowing for precise targeting adjustments during flight. It follows a non-ballistic trajectory, reducing radar detection risks and increasing crew survivability. The missile is carried on a North Korean M-2010 armored vehicle in a 6x6 configuration, equipped with eight launch containers. Compared to similar systems like the Israeli Spike-ER, the Bulsae-4 uses an electro-optical guidance head combined with fiber-optic cable guidance. This technology allows the missile to maneuver around obstacles to hit hidden targets, significantly enhancing North Korea's ability to engage distant and fortified targets.
Relations between Russia and North Korea are marked by strategic cooperation that has grown over the years, especially amid rising international tensions. Moscow and Pyongyang share common interests in foreign policy, particularly their opposition to Western sanctions and U.S. influence in the region. This alliance has strengthened as Russia seeks ways to mitigate the economic and military impacts of sanctions imposed following its intervention in Ukraine. Pyongyang, in turn, benefits from Russia's diplomatic and material support, enabling it to continue developing its military capabilities despite international isolation.
North Korea's military support for Russia's war effort in Ukraine has become increasingly visible, notably with the appearance of North Korean missiles and artillery ammunition on Ukrainian soil. This presence confirms that Russia has received significant munitions deliveries, highlighting a deep strategic partnership. The exact nature and extent of these deliveries remain difficult to quantify due to the opaque nature of military transactions between these two nations.
The identification of the first North Korean vehicle in Ukraine marks a turning point in Pyongyang's involvement in the conflict. This more direct involvement implies substantial North Korean support, raising important logistical questions regarding the transportation and distribution of these vehicles in the war zone. Transport routes, delivery methods, and the security of these supplies become crucial issues for Russia, requiring close coordination and effective management to avoid disruptions and ensure continuous military support.
For North Korea, the deployment of these vehicles in Ukraine serves as a practical test of their capabilities in real combat conditions. This deployment allows Pyongyang to gather valuable data on the performance of its military equipment, identify necessary improvements, and strengthen its reputation as an effective arms supplier. This situation, while beneficial for North Korea's military experience, also exposes Pyongyang to increased international scrutiny and potential criticism, exacerbating existing tensions with nations opposed to its arms program.
[ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 30 Jul 2024, 13:58:14 ]
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| Kidd | |  Kopš: 18. May 2009
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| jebatj krāteris pēc jdam.
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29 Jul 2024, 14:32:34 @Joachims rakstīja:
Sirskis maina no 80.desantbrigādes komandieri. Komandieri, kurš ar minimāliem zaudējumiem karo pret orkiem, līdzīgi bija ar 24. un 14.mehbrigādēm.
Nu nekas labs nav. Karavīri ierakstīja video ar lūgumu beigt pist pauri. Sirskis atmāzējies, kad viñš ies uz paaugstinājumu. Tur sāk peldēt visādi joki. Jaunos karavīrus nepievieno pieredzējušām vienībām, kurām trūkst karavîru, bet gan taisa atsevišķas vienības un met frontē neapšaudītus bez pieredzes. Kā rezultātā ir milzīgi zaudējumi un papistas teritorijas. Nevienam nav ne mazākās jausmas, kāpēc viss tiek darīts pretēji jebkurai loģikai un veselajam saprātam. Jau otro gadu. Tā vietā lai papildinātu esošās vienības, kur pieredzējušie jaunos pamāca, pasargà un papildus apmāca visādiem knifiem lai šie dzīvi paliktu. Savā veidā pieradina, parūpējas par jaunajiem. Tā vietā jaunos ieskaitot komandējošo sastāvu met iekšà peklē. Kur tie ahujā no notiekošā ierauj mērci biksēs un nezin ko darīt. Un par to ne tikai karavīri ahujā, arī vairàki rietumu instruktori, analītiķi. Ķer pie galvas un jautā, ko jūs darat? 
Bet Ukraina turpina, ignorējot lūgumus no pašu karavīriem, instruktoriem utt. Tas ir tiešām nedaudz dīvaini…. Lai neteiktu vairāk. Pag gadā arī saucamajā ,,pretuzbrukumà,, aizsutīja jaunos lielu dału.
Tā, kaut kā 
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| Joachims | | Kopš: 08. Jul 2015
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31 Jul 2024, 10:04:12 @Lafter rakstīja:
29 Jul 2024, 14:32:34 @Joachims rakstīja:
Sirskis maina no 80.desantbrigādes komandieri. Komandieri, kurš ar minimāliem zaudējumiem karo pret orkiem, līdzīgi bija ar 24. un 14.mehbrigādēm.
Nu nekas labs nav. Karavīri ierakstīja video ar lūgumu beigt pist pauri. Sirskis atmāzējies, kad viñš ies uz paaugstinājumu. Tur sāk peldēt visādi joki. Jaunos karavīrus nepievieno pieredzējušām vienībām, kurām trūkst karavîru, bet gan taisa atsevišķas vienības un met frontē neapšaudītus bez pieredzes. Kā rezultātā ir milzīgi zaudējumi un papistas teritorijas. Nevienam nav ne mazākās jausmas, kāpēc viss tiek darīts pretēji jebkurai loģikai un veselajam saprātam. Jau otro gadu. Tā vietā lai papildinātu esošās vienības, kur pieredzējušie jaunos pamāca, pasargà un papildus apmāca visādiem knifiem lai šie dzīvi paliktu. Savā veidā pieradina, parūpējas par jaunajiem. Tā vietā jaunos ieskaitot komandējošo sastāvu met iekšà peklē. Kur tie ahujā no notiekošā ierauj mērci biksēs un nezin ko darīt. Un par to ne tikai karavīri ahujā, arī vairàki rietumu instruktori, analītiķi. Ķer pie galvas un jautā, ko jūs darat?
Bet Ukraina turpina, ignorējot lūgumus no pašu karavīriem, instruktoriem utt. Tas ir tiešām nedaudz dīvaini…. Lai neteiktu vairāk. Pag gadā arī saucamajā ,,pretuzbrukumà,, aizsutīja jaunos lielu dału.
Tā, kaut kā
Viss, ko Tu raksti ir ļoti dīvaini, lai neteiktu vairāk. Zeļenskis un Sirskis uzsver karavīra dzīvības cenu, bet notiek viss pretēji. 80.desantbrigādes komandieri vienkārši nomest gribēja no amata, bet paaugstinājuma.
Pagājušā gada pretuzbrukumā gāja jaunās brigādes, bet karavīri bija apmācīti Rietumos. Lai gan ukraiņi tagad mūs, t.i., NATO varētu apmācīt, nevis otrādi. | | Offline | | |
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